¶1 (concurring). — I concur in the law announced by our brother Woodson in this case. He adopts what the writer said in Paragraph Five of the opinion in the case of State ex rel. Westhues et al. v. Sullivan, 283 Mo. l. c. 584, et seq. We there ruled, upon what appeared to us to be the weight of authority and the very reason of the matter, that the Legislature, under Section 57 of Article IV of our Constitution, could not close judicial *680 determination as to 'the real character of any law by saying that such law was “necessary for the immediate preservation of the public peace, health or safety” of the State. We further said that this court could examine the face of the legislative act, and if in fact it was not for “the immediate preservation of the public peace, health or safety” of the State, we could and would declare the legislative declaration to the effect that it was “necessary for the immediate preservation of the public peace, health or safety” of the State, void, and of no effect, as being in conflict with said constitutional provision, and the spirit thereof. We shall not reargue this naked principle of lay which our brother has adopted as his views. For would we write at ail in this case, but for the fact that our learned associate has not discussed the character of the legislative acts before as at this time. He sets out an outline of them, and ordinarily this would, or should suffice. In this record we find that learned counsel for respondent insist (1) that we borrowed our constitutional provision from Oregon, and are bound by the construction which the Supreme Court of that State placed upon it before our adoption, and (2) that the laws here involved are in fact necessary for the “immediate preservation of the peace, health or safety” of Missouri. The questions are seriously presented and should be seriously considered. In their order we shall consider them, and such other contentions as may require notice.
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¶4 “The general rule just stated as to the construction of adopted statutes is by no means absolute, or imperative on the courts of the adopting state, but is subject to numerous exceptions. The rule that the adoption of a foreign statute carries with it the prior construction in the originating state has been held to be applicable only where the terms of the statute are of doubtful import so as to require construction. So the rule has been declared to be inapplicable where radical or material changes are made in the statute; where the statute had been materially changed by amendment, after the decisions construing it and before adoption; where the foreign construction is not in harmony with the constitution of the adopting state, or is contrary to the spirit and policy of the jurisprudence of the adopting state; or where the courts of the adopting state are clearly of the opinion *682 that the foreign construction is erroneous, or that its application would lead to a denial’of a substantial right.”
¶5 To like effect is 36 Cyc. 1154-5: “Where the Legislature enacts a provision taken from a statute of another state or country, in which the language of the act has received a settled construction, it is presumed to have intended that such provision should be understood and applied in accordance with that construction. This rule of construction, however, while recognized by all the courts, is subject to a number of limitations. The construction placed upon the statute by courts of the state from which it was adopted is regarded as persuasive, and indeed, as entitled to very great weight, with the courts of the adopting state, but not as conclusive; and it will not be applied where it would be inconsistent with the Constitution of the adopting state, or contrary to the spirit and policy of its' laws, or is regarded as unsound in principle and against the weight of authority.”
¶6 In each of the foregoing quotations the italics are ours. Under the rule the court’s interpretation to be considered is the interpretation given before the adoption. It could not be otherwise, because there could be no presumption that a given construction had been adopted, with the adoption of the statute, unless the construction preceded the adoption. The cases all so hold, and had to so hold by the very reason of the thing. In the early case of Pratt v. Miller, 109 Mo. 78, this court, through Brace, J., found that we had borrowed an English statute, which had been previously construed in a given way — not once, but several times — before our adoption. This court refused to follow those constructions, because not consonant with the better reasoning of later cases. Some states do not recognize the rule at all, because a statute transplanted from one state system of laws to another state system of laws must be made to harmonize with the latter rather than the former. Many states hold that the previous construction is very persuasive, but not binding. The *683 cases can be gathered from the texts and notes thereunder which we have cited, supra.
¶7 The exception to the rule uppermost in our mind is that expressed in the terms “or where the courts of the adopting’ state are clearly of the opinion that the foreign construction is erroneous, or that its application would lead to a denial of a substantial right.” The Kadderly case from Oregon does not announce sound doctrine. The Washington court repudiated it, and their constitutional provision was not adopted until four years after ours, aind long after the Kadderly case. Our Constitution provides both for a legislative referendum, and a referendum by the people. It is absolutely against all reason to rule that the Legislature can, by trick and chicanery, through a declaration against the very face of the bill, cut the people off from the constitutional rights to refer all measures, and yet retain the legislative right. In what we ruled in Sullivan’s case we had in mind all rules of statutory construction, as well as all exceptions to such rules. We have recognized the exceptions before (109 Mo. 78, supra) and but exercise the same privilege in that case. As said there, to hold that the Legislature could by the use of a declaration to the effect that the given bill was “necessary for the immediate peace, health or safety” of the State, when in fact the bill itself showed no emergency would be to destroy the constitutional provision. Neither court nor Legislature should so construe a Constitution as to make it self-destructive. But after all, the section of the bill making this declaration of great emergency must be construed with all the other provisions of -the bill, and if when so construed by a court, it fails to measure up to the spirit of the Constitution, it must fail. We said enough in Sullivan’s Case, and will not further reiterate.
¶8 III. Of these bills, which change in a way the system of justices courts in Jackson County, and cut down the number of such courts, and the number of the consta *684 bles thereof, it is urged that they really go to the immediate preservation of the peace, health and safety of the great State of Missouri. Courts are not supposed to be blinded bats. Of current history courts take judicial knowledge. What all know, the courts must judicially know. The current history shows the real purpose of these laws, and we need not state that history. It is known to every member of the Legislature, every judicial officer of the State, and every lawyer and citizen, who has read and kept abreast with the current history, made ■ and now being made. To say that the purpose of these bills was to protect Missouri in some great, impending emergency relative to her peace, health or safety, is not only in the face of the bills themselves, but in the face of what her citizens know. We need not go further.
¶9 (concurring). — Section 57 of Article IY of the Constitution provides, among other things:
¶10 ‘ ‘ The legislative authority of the State shall be vested ih a legislative assembly, consisting of a senate and house of representatives, but the people reserve to themselves power to propose laws and amendments to the Constitution, and to enact or reject the same at the polls, independent of the legislative assembly, and also reserve the power at their own option to approve or reject at the'polls any act of the legislative assembly. The first power reserved by the people is the initiative. . . . The second power is the referendum, and it may be ordered ('except as to laws necessary for the immediate preservation of the public peace, health or safety and laws making appropriations for the current expenses of the state government, for the maintenance of the state institutions and for the support of the public schools) either” by petitions, etc.
¶11 At its regular session in 1921 the General Assembly passed certain acts which were intended to make changes in the system of justice of the peace courts in Kansas *685 City. Appended to one or more of these acts is the following: “Emergency. — This enactment is hereby declared to be necessary for the immediate preservation of the public peace, health and safety within the meaning of Section 57, Article 4, of the Constitution of Missouri.” No emergency clause under Section 36 of Article 4 was attached or passed, but the principal bill contains a clause to the effect that it “shall become effective” July 1,1921. Properly drawn petitions for the reference of these, signed by the requisite number of voters who possess the required qualifications, have been tendered to respondent for filing. He refused to file them because of the inclusion in the acts of the section which has been set out. This suit is brought to compel the filing of the petitions and the reference of the acts.
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¶14 “According to the other line of authorities the legislative determination is not conclusive. The latter conclusion, that the legislative determination to declare an *686 emergency is not final, seems to be the correct one. The limitation upon the power of the. Legislature to declare an emergency that only laws of a certain class shall be so subject, or that all laws except the cláss shall be subject to the referendum, without expressly vesting in the Legislature power to determine what laws come within that class, leaves to the courts the power to determine the question. In other words, a law must be a law belonging to the excepted class before it can be declared free from the referendum. Where the law is of the prescribed character the legislative determination that it shall be free from the referendum is final; but its determination that the law belongs to the excepted class is not. In support of this theory it has been pointed out that the clause excepting the named laws from the referendum is not the usual general emergency provision, but an exception to the otherwise universal application of the reserved power of referendum; that the clear purpose of the exception is to preserve unimpaired the right of the Legislature to exercise the police power so far as it may be emergent; that the exception from the referendum includes only those certain, definite and unquestioned phases of the police power which, in their very nature, may be and usually are emergent. It is further stated, that, as the court exercises jurisdiction to determine whether an act of the Legislature is a valid exercise of the pólice-power,, it must be a judicial question whether the exercise by the Legislature of certain phrases of that power which are selected and made an exception to the constitutional guaranty of the referendum is a valid exercise of the power. ’ ’
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¶17 (4) If, as just pointed out, respondent’s proposition must be true as to all acts in which the peace, health or safety clause is incorporated, if true as to any, then it is proper in the light of this, to examine the result of upholding respondent’s contention. If the peace, health or safety clause can be employed by a majority of the Legislative Assembly-to exempt all acts (not otherwise exempted) from the referendum, then it may be employed to exempt laws passed in the exercise of the police power or pursuant to an attempt to exercise that power. The question is approached from this angle in order to avoid an apparent conflict of authorty upon the question whether the peace, health or safety clause is designed solely to exempt from the referendum *688 emergent exercise of the police power or whether it is broader than that. For the purposes of what is now to be written it makes no difference which contention is sound.
¶18 The police power aims directly to promote the “public welfare, and it does so by restraint and compulsion.” These are said by Mr. Freund in his work on Police Power, Section 3, to be the “two main attributes or characteristics which differentiate the police power.” It is well settled that the police power has its limitations. Generally, it is limited in its exercise to the enforcement of the maxim, “Sic utere tuo ut alienum non laedas.” [Tiedeman on Limitations of Police Powers, sec. 85, pp. 196-197.] For instance “in the exercise of the police power, personal liberty can be subjected to only such restraint as may be necessary to prevent damage to others or to the public.” [Ibid.] According to the same author it is also well established that while the exercise of a particular calling may be regulated or prohibited if it threatens damage to the public or other individuals, and while the Legislature has a discretion to impose regulations when a proper case arises, it is nevertheless “strictly a judicial question whether the trade or calling is of such a nature as to require or justify police regulations. The Legislature cannot declare a certain employment to be injurious to the public good, and prohibit it, when as a matter of fact, it is a harmless occupation.” The learned author quotes with approval from Beebe v. State, 26 Ind. 501: “The position, however, is taken on the part, of the State, that it is competent for the Legislature, whenever it shall deem proper, to declare the existence of any property and pursuit deemed injurious to the public, nuisances, and to destroy and prohibit them as such; and that such action is not subject to be reviewed by the courts. We deny this proposition. We deny that the Legislature can enlarge its power over property or pursuits by declaring them nuisances, or by enacting a definition of a nuisance that will cover them. Whatever it has the right by the Con *689 stitution to prohibit or confiscate, it may thus deal with, without first declaring the matter to be a nuisance; and whatever it has not a right by the Constitution to prohibit and confiscate, it cannot thus deal with, though it first declare it to be a nuisance.” It is also pointed out that it is a judicial question whether a police regulation “extends .beyond the threatened evil.” For instance, the author says, in substance, a regulation which would attempt to go further than to exclude ignorant and dishonest men from the medical profession would be invalid, though a broad discretion may be used in the choice of means to accomplish that purpose. The point is that the power to restrain and compel under guise of the exercise of the police power is not unlimited. It must not overrun constitutional prohibitions or infringe constitutional rights. It can impose only such restraints as in fact bear some relation to the public good, in a general sense. A calling which involves the public health may be regulated (State v. Smith, 233 Mo. l. c. 267), but its free exercise cannot be hampered with burdensome restrictions and regulations which do not in any sense have in them anything tending to remove an actual, or ward off an apprehended evil to the public, and the like. [Freund on Police Power, sec. 492, p. 531.] In this connection in this State, as well as elsewhere, “The question presented where the validity of such laws is called in question is no longer the power or authority of the Legislature to enact them ” (i. e., regulations affecting a calling which touches the public health) “but whether the occupation, calling or business ’ sought to be regulated is one involving the public health and interests.” [Ex parte Lucas, 160 Mo. l. c. 232, quoted in State v. Smith, supra.] This is the rule not only in Missouri, but generally. If this means anything it means that-it is a judicial question whether the calling upon which the regulation is imposed is, as a matter of fact one which “touches the public health.” This is one instance and there are many others of like character. The authorities are in accord, generally speaking, upon *690 the proposition that the question of fact whether a trade or calling is of such a nature as to render it subject to regulations or to particular regulations, under the police power, is strictly a judicial question. This has not yet been denied in this case. It therefore appears that there are acts which, upon the question of their validity, present to the court questions of fact. There are, in fact, many such acts. When such an act is presented and the court finds that the calling is not such that it touches the public good in such a way as to justify regulation or the particular regulation attempted, this court and all courts hold such attempted regulations invalid. This is done in the face of the fact that the very enactment of the regulatory act involves a legislative finding that existing facts justify the regulation. *
¶19 The purpose of what has been said is not to attempt to define the police power and cite all cases' Which come within it or announce any comprehensive rule concerning it, but to show that there are instances in which questions of fact are presented to and determined by the courts and in which the implied finding of fact by the Legislature has no binding or conclusive force.
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¶22*693 Further, the purpose of the referendum is to “reserve to the people” the power to pass upon acts of the Legislative Assembly. That reservation is founded upon a belief, that acts might be passed which would not be for the public good. In a sense it evidences a disbelief in legislative omniscience. Is it reasonable to think the people meant to reserve to themselves the power to refer acts of the Legislative Assembly because they feared that body might err in its. enactments and then intended to confer upon a bare majority of .the same Assembly, whose errors the referendum was designed to correct, full power • to defeat any and all references of any and every bill by the simple inclusion in such bills of a set form of words, even though these words, so used, were false on their face? It will not do to say the people would have their remedy at the polls and could punish legislators by defeating them. This was true before there was a referendum section proposed and adopted. The remedy by referendum was added to that available at the polls.
¶23 Legislatures, like courts, sometimes err. Tbe referendum has been thought designed to correct legislative errors. If respondent’s "position is tenable, then if the Legislative Assembly shall err and pass a bad law (in the belief that it is a good law) the error in passing this bad law is ‘not subject to the referendum, but is exempt from such correction upon condition only that the same Legislative Assembly shall commit one more error, i. e., find as a fact that the law is necessary for the immediate preservation of the public peace, health or safety and then put this erroneous finding into the bad law. Does one error plus one error equal no .error for the purposes of this case?
¶24 To ascribe such an intent to the people is to charge them with incorporating a remarkable absurdity in the organic law of the State. If the people desired that the same body whose enactments they wished to supervise by means of the referendum should have full power to prevent such supervision in every case, it seems reasonable to think they would have said so and, particularly, *694 W011I4 not have avoided so carefully a form of words already in the Constitution which would have been adequate to have effectuated this remarkable purpose.
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¶30 For these reasons 'and others given in other opinions filed the alternative writ should be made peremptory.