Morgan v. Kerrigan’s Empirical Analysis
1975
Citation profile
13 federal appellate · 11 district · 1 state decisions
How this case has been cited
Cited by 40 later decisions (1 by the Supreme Court) — most recently April 2003 · most notably Milliken v. Bradley (1977), Morgan v. Kerrigan (1976)
13 federal appellate · 11 district · 1 state decisions
Later decisions citing this case, by decade. The current decade is in progress, and our corpus holds fewer opinions from the most recent years, so the latest bars are undercounted — not a real decline.
Relationships
Applies 20 U.S.C. § 1702 (§ 203 of the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act of 1974) · 20 U.S.C. § 1713 · 20 U.S.C. § 1714 (§ 215 of the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act of 1974) · 20 U.S.C. § 1755 · 42 U.S.C. § 2000D
Relies on Brown et al. v. Board of Education of Topeka et al. · Goss v. Lopez · Wood v. Strickland · Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education · Brown v. Board of Education
Most-quoted passages
The sentences later courts lift from this opinion, ranked by how many decisions quote each — the parts of the opinion doing the work. These counts are smaller than the citation total above because most of the 40 citing decisions cite the case generally; a passage count includes only decisions quoting that exact language verbatim.
“The children of second and third generation white ethnic families suffered as the schools located within their residential enclaves came to reinforce rather than reduce the educational distance between their neighborhood and access to the larger society. Black and other minority children, meanwhile, suffered even greater educational deprivations as the schools they attended were the most crowded, the oldest, the least well maintained, and the most poorly staffed the school committee could offer.”
2 later decisions quote this exact passage · from the majority“The opening of school under the state plan in September of 1974 was accompanied by some violence and much fear. School buses were stoned, their windows broken and some children cut by shattered glass. Angry crowds of white parents and students gathered in front of schools to protest the entry of black students assigned there. Student boycotts of varying effectiveness were organized. Many students stayed home or were kept home by their parents out of fear for their personal safety. Several city high schools were the scenes of racially-connected fights and incidents. As the school year continued, violence subsided, then recurred. . . . Even today [June 5, 1975] 166 state and local police officers are stationed in the halls of South Boston High School and another 134 are stationed in the vicinity during school hours. In December a white student was stabbed inside South Boston High School by a black student. Community residents gathered and surrounded the high school building, trapping black students inside until a decoy operation by police permitted the departure of the black students. . As these events were occurring, planning was renewed for the development of a citywide desegregation plan to be implemented in September 1975. After several hearings on proposals of the parties as to its terms, the court entered an order on October 31,1974 establishing the filing date and general contents of a student desegregation plan to be filed by the defendants. . Progress reports were duly”
1 later decision quote this exact passage · from the majority“The court has heard members of the school committee in testimony and others speak against “forced busing” and has received hundreds of letters protesting its use in connection with the state court plan currently in operation. Toward lessening widespread misunderstanding on the point, it may be stated that the court does not favor forced busing. Nor, for that matter, have the plaintiffs advocated forced busing. What the plaintiffs seek, and what the law of the land as interpreted by the Supreme Court of the United States commands, is that plaintiffs’ right to attend desegregated schools be realized. That right cannot lawfully be limited to walk-in schools. If there were a way to accomplish desegregation in Boston without transporting students to schools beyond walking distance, the court and all parties would much prefer that alternative. In past years, feasible proposals that would have substantially lessened segregation through redistricting without busing were made by various public agencies and uniformly rejected or evaded by the Boston School Committee. The harvest of these years of obstruction and of maintenance of segregated schools is that today, given the locations and capacities of its school buildings and the racial concentrations of its population, Boston is simply not a city that can provide its black school children with a desegregated education absent considerable mandatory transportation. No party familiar with the requirements of the law and with the city has ”
1 later decision quote this exact passage · from the dissent
How this case has been treated — in progress
Whether each later court followed, distinguished, criticized, or overruled this decision. The treatment classification (task #35) runs highest-cited cases first and lights up here as it reaches this one.